Radzivon “Gena” Batulin, the commander of the Belarusian Volunteer Corps, discussed the repressions in Belarus under Lukashenko’s regime, the ineffectiveness of Tikhanovska as an opposition figure, and how he had to sever ties with his family in 2016 to ensure their safety.

In a recent interview with “Mezha,” the commander shares his combat experiences from the Russo-Ukrainian War and emphasizes that the most brutal battles are those in which you lose your brothers-in-arms. He describes himself as a national socialist dedicated to maximizing investment for Belarusian volunteers, who “can change the course of events in Belarus as soon as tomorrow.”

Radzivon, you’re a Belarusian defending Ukraine with a weapon in your hands. What does this fight mean to you? Is this a war for Ukraine, or is it also about the future of Belarus?

It is a civilizational struggle, so it’s not just a fight for Ukraine’s freedom but also the freedom of Belarus and Europe as such. Historically, the line of confrontation with Russia has often crossed through Ukraine’s territory and that of Belarus. This is how it’s happening again now. All those who care about their countries and their nations—patriots and nationalists from European states—must join this process of liberation.

How would you explain your decision to those who cannot fully understand why people like you are here today?

In general, I think there’s no need to explain anything. I’m not someone who can be told what to do. I choose for myself. For instance, when someone thanks me for defending Ukraine, I ask them not to because I’m doing it, among other things, for myself—for my own selfish reasons.

Did your childhood or family upbringing influence who you have become today?

I think it definitely did. I was born in Riga to a Belarusian mother and a Ukrainian father. At the time, they were both working at sea. Later, my parents divorced, and my mother returned to Belarus with me. I was three years old then, and she didn’t have much time to raise me because she needed to earn a living. So I spent my entire childhood with my grandparents in the countryside. They were rural intelligence—teachers. I think that influenced my development as a person, not only intellectually but also morally.

Tell us about your call sign, “Gena.”

It somehow stuck when I was about 15 or 16 years old. As a teenager, I had already joined various nationalist groups. Back then, it was more of a subculture. Somehow, “Gena-Gena” came about and stuck.

You mostly speak Ukrainian. Did you know the language before, or did you switch after the full-scale invasion?

The Ukrainian language is very similar to Belarusian. I switched to Ukrainian, especially in public, after the full-scale invasion. Language is one of the markers of a nation that needs to be defended and upheld, perhaps even imposed. If we lose our language and culture, we lose our identity. We become that gray mass that the Russian horde will keep pushing toward death.

Do many people in Belarus speak their native language?

Unfortunately, no. In 2020, there was a kind of national awakening after the protests against Lukashenko’s regime, when people embraced national symbols, became more interested in their history, and started switching to the Belarusian language—especially the youth.

What operations has your unit engaged in on the frontlines?

We worked hard on all fronts. I don’t think there’s a front where we haven’t been. We started in Kyiv Oblast, where some of our personnel served with “Azov,” which later formed into the Battalion and then the Kastus Kalinouski regiment. Others were in different units. Irpin and Hostomel were our starting points.

Later, united as the “Terror” Battalion within the Kalinouski Regiment, we took part in the liberation of Mykolayiv and Kherson regions and the Kherson counteroffensive. After that, the Zaporizhzhia direction. We also carried out various special and general military tasks and operated in the Kharkiv and Donetsk regions.

It’s hard to pinpoint the most brutal battle. I think the hardest ones are those in which you lose brothers-in-arms. Those stay with you forever. As your thoughts drift, you remember someone and realize they’re no longer here because they stayed in that combat. The world loses its best, and they live only in our memories. Maybe there won’t be anyone left to remember us tomorrow, so you want to bring fallen heroes to mind more often.

Why did the “Terror” Special-Purpose Detachment disband?

It didn’t disband. It has likely integrated into the Belarusian Volunteer Corps. We decided to maintain a single name—BDK—while “Terror” functions, let’s say, as an internal chivalry order. It’s a non-media matter, something honorary that stays as a recognition of specific operations and deeds within the unit.

The very name “Terror” is not because we’re terrorists, but in honor of our fallen brother-in-arms, Dmytro Apanasovych (call sign “Terror”). He was killed in action defending Irpin at the very beginning of the full-scale invasion. We keep it in our hearts and memories.

Your political views—radical nationalism?

Yes, society considers my views radical nationalism. I identify myself as a national socialist. Although this may be unacceptable to society, I don’t impose it on anyone, and I don’t have political ambitions. I’ve concluded that this political concept suits me best, but it doesn’t affect the formation of our unit in any way.

How would you evaluate the 2020 protests in Belarus? In your view, what did your people lack in order to overthrow Lukashenko’s regime?

I believe the problem runs deeper than the issue of what we were missing. The people’s uprising and protests were also partly initiated by the Kremlin. The opposition leaders had or still have ties to Russia, so victory in 2020 was impossible.

What are the current political sentiments in Belarusian society?

In truth, nobody knows because representative studies in Belarus are simply impossible.

Belarus is turning into a European North Korea. Currently, everything is under repression, and a person can face prosecution merely for speaking Belarusian, subscribing to some Telegram channels, or leaving a comment.

The fact remains: if you speak Belarusian, you will likely encounter problems. “If there’s a person, a charge will be found.” Prosecuting and incarcerating someone for several years is not a problem in Belarus.

Do a lot of Belarusians currently support Ukraine in the Russo-Ukrainian War?

I suppose the vast majority if we’re talking about passive support. There are individuals in Belarus who support Ukraine, realizing that it may be perhaps our last hope to liberate Belarus in the future. I believe Belarusians are the second-largest nation in the Defense Forces after Ukrainians. They serve in Belarusian volunteer formations and various brigades of the Ukrainian Armed Forces, they volunteer.

How do you envision your role after the war? Would you share your plans for the future?

If I survive, I think there will likely be repressions against nationalists. This has happened repeatedly throughout history and keeps repeating. Now, there is a plan: to execute tasks set by immediate leadership to the greatest extent and to preserve the personnel so that they become specialists in military affairs.

The most important thing for me is to invest as much as possible in the Belarusians who’ve joined to defend Ukraine. I understand that everyone gaining combat experience in confronting Russia and living in our volunteer environment now, as a specialist, can change the course of events in Belarus.

So, I don’t bet on myself. I see myself as a bridge between the present and the future—a future shaped and represented by upcoming generations.

Radzivon, thank you for this conversation! Long Live Belarus!

The interview was translated by Sofiia Yakivtsiv